Finding the Elusive Peace in Kashmir

  • Kashmir is at the center of dispute between the two nuclear-armed nations in South Asia.
  • The nirvana lies in a blueprint that was secretly drafted a decade ago by two former leaders of India and Pakistan.
  • The M-squared plan offers a realistic solution to the Kashmir crisis.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi is driving the Kashmir train on the wrong track of ultranationalism that cost India 25 percent of its land and 20 percent of its people in 1947. But it’s not yet too late to change the course to find a lasting peace and prosperity for all of its people. The nirvana lies in a blueprint that was secretly drafted a decade ago by two former leaders of India and Pakistan but failed to execute because of their sudden departure from office.

Narendra Damodardas Modi (born 17 September 1950) is an Indian politician serving as the 14th and current Prime Minister of India since 2014. He was the Chief Minister of Gujarat from 2001 to 2014, and is the Member of Parliament for Varanasi. Modi is a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist volunteer organisation. He is the first prime minister outside of the Indian National Congress to win two consecutive terms with a full majority, and the second one to complete five years in office after Atal Bihari Vajpayee.

The idea, developed by aides to former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh of India and former President General Parvez Musharraf of Pakistan through secret talks from 2004-2007, still remains a viable option to end the seven-decades-old nightmare. This formula is a win-win realistic approach for everyone—India, Pakistan and Kashmir

Kashmir, at the center of dispute between the two nuclear-armed nations in South Asia, encompasses roughly 135,000 square miles, almost the size of Germany, and has a population of abut 18 million. India controls 85,000 square miles, Pakistan 33,000 and China 17,000. Both Pakistan and India claim the entire state as their own and have fought two wars over it since the British left India in 1947.

In 1948, after a fight between the two nations, India raised Kashmir in the UN Security Council, which called for a referendum on the status of the territory. It asked Pakistan to withdraw its troops and India to cut its military presence to a minimum. A ceasefire came into force, but Pakistan refused to pull out its troops. Kashmir has remained partitioned since then.

The United States pushed the warring neighbors to make the existing division of the picturesque territory their permanent border, but it went nowhere because of a fatal flaw—it gives nothing to the victims of this tragedy, the Kashmiris. India loves the U.S. idea, but Pakistan wants no part of it, and the Kashmiris outright hate it.

Under the Musharraf-Manmohan plan, India and Pakistan would pull out soldiers from Kashmir, Kashmiris would be allowed to move freely across the de facto border; Kashmir would enjoy full internal autonomy; and the three parties—India, Pakistan and Kashmir—would jointly govern the state for a transitional period. The final status would be negotiated thereafter.

Instead of picking up from where the two leaders left off, Modi has allowed himself to be drugged by a heavy dose of misguided hyper-nationalist vision of the late V.D. Savarkar, who proposed nearly 100 years ago to keep minorities in subjugation in an India ruled by the Hindu majority.

Sitting in a prison cell on the Andaman Islands in the Bay of Bengal, the convicted-violent-revolutionary-turned-nationalist drew up his solution. He would let Muslims and Christians stay in India only if they agreed to be subservient to Hindus; they would not enjoy any special rights that might infringe upon Hindu rights. India today is a nation of 1.3 billion people, with 14 percent Muslim and 2 percent Christian.


On Aug. 5, keeping Kashmiri Muslim leaders under house arrest and deploying tens of thousands of soldiers in heavily fortified Kashmir, the prime minister moved to snatch away their special rights— their own flag, own law and property rights—granted by India’s constitution in a blitzkrieg exercise in a matter of hours. By scraping Kashmir’s special autonomy status and dividing the state into two parts, Modi has taken a dangerous step toward implementing Savarkar’s dream.

Kashmir is the northernmost geographical region of the Indian subcontinent. Until the mid-19th century, the term “Kashmir” denoted only the Kashmir Valley between the Great Himalayas and the Pir Panjal Range. Today, it denotes a larger area that includes the Indian-administered territory of Jammu and Kashmir (which includes the divisions Jammu, Kashmir Valley, and Ladakh), the Pakistani-administered territories of Azad Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistan, and Chinese-administered territories of Aksai Chin and the Trans-Karakoram Tract.

The fallout from his maneuver will reverberate far beyond India and Pakistan. India’s smaller neighbors, which have historically opposed their Big Brother’s heavy-handed behavior, already see a danger sign in Modi’s action in Kashmir. They wonder how India will deal with them when it will come to settling bilateral disputes. Is Kashmir any indication? It is disconcerting, to say the least, for them to know that the world’s largest democracy has turned itself into a mobocracy.

Bangladesh is India’s most friendly neighbor now, and it has enjoyed vastly improved relations with Delhi in recent years. Still it has concerns about several bilateral matters. One of them is an assertion by Modi’s Nazi-type saffron party that there are 40 million Bangladeshi migrants illegally living in India and that they must be pushed back into Bangladesh. During just concluded talks in Delhi, Bangladesh flatly rejected India’s claim. The matter was acrimonious enough to force the two sides from issuing a joint communique after the talks ended.

In addition, India is seeking to expand its third largest Tripura airport on Bangladeshi land. This idea has already faced opposition from a cabinet member, and will certainly run into stiff public resistance. India also is watching China’s move to build a submarine base in Bangladesh. Delhi’s standing policy is to bar Dhaka from granting Beijing a military base on its soil.


India’s another neighbor, Nepal, which often accuses its Big Brother of interfering in its internal affairs, has border disputes, too. To Delhi’s chagrin, China exploits Kathmandu’s displeasure with Delhi by boosting trade with Nepal.

After Modi stripped Kashmir of its special rights, Sri Lanka’s Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe was the only neighbor who openly supported India. He needs India’s help to stay in power. Colombo’s endorsement comes at the expense of its Tamil minority.

Hindu Tamils have close ties with India’s Tamil Nadu state, and have faced discrimination from the majority Buddhist Sinhalese, which has intensified since Sri Lanka crushed a separatist Tamil insurgency in 2009. The Tamil rebels, Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam, fought for 26 years to create an independent country, Tamil Eelam, in the north and east of Sri Lanka.

Modi’s move has stoked regional tensions within India as well, with some restive ethnic groups seeking autonomy, similar to that granted to Kashmir. One of them is demanding that West Bengal be divided, as Delhi has done with Kashmir, to grant tribal minorities special rights.

Pakistan is a country in South Asia. It is the world’s sixth-most populous country with a population exceeding 212,742,631 people. In area, it is the 33rd-largest country, spanning 881,913 square kilometres (340,509 square miles). Pakistan has a 1,046-kilometre (650-mile) coastline along the Arabian Sea and Gulf of Oman in the south and is bordered by India to the east, Afghanistan to the west, Iran to the southwest, and China in the northeast. It is separated narrowly from Tajikistan by Afghanistan’s Wakhan Corridor in the northwest, and also shares a maritime border with Oman.

On top of all this, the prime minister’s hyper-nationalist campaign in Kashmir will fire-up the already-inflamed fanatical Savarkar disciples to browbeat India’s Muslims and Christians. It will refuel the Islamic extremists in the region and beyond, who will seek to counter Hindu nationalists, making the sectarian conflict even worse.


Given the region’s history, the M-squared concept offers a realistic solution. It gives the Kashmiris near independence, allows India to maintain sovereignty over Kashmir and lets Pakistan claim it has freed Kashmir from Hindu domination. Compromise is the art of politics, and India must not repeat Pakistan’s mistakes in East Pakistan, which led to a war in 1971. Both India and Pakistan must dig themselves out of the mass hysteria of jingoism they have created during the past 70 years over Kashmir.

The main problem that stands in the way of achieving peace in Kashmir is chauvinism in both India and Pakistan. It has cost tens of thousands of lives and prosperity of both the nations as well as their neighbors. Modi’s extremist party has always opposed a negotiated settlement. It operates on a misguided dream of reuniting the subcontinent into one Hindu nation, if necessary, through violence. Because of this faulty doctrine, when Singh invited his predecessor, former Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, to lead the peace talk with Pakistan, he refused. He cited stiff opposition from the Bharatiya Janata Party. The Indians have a hard-time to accept a negotiated settlement because they have the notion that Kashmir is already theirs, a notion that has resulted from decades-long, hyper-nationalist propaganda.

Modi’s latest highly controversial and dangerous power grab is unlikely to end the crisis. To achieve lasting peace, the M-squared formula should be revived, even though it may be political suicide for any one who dares doing so, especially in India, where a hysteria of Hindu radicalism now reigns supreme. Still, one of the Himalayan gods must make the sacrifice for the sake of the people who have suffered too much for too long.

Only $1/click

Submit Your Ad Here

B.Z. Khasru

B. Z. Khasru is editor of The Capital Express and author of "Myths and Facts Bangladesh Liberation War" and "The Bangladesh Military Coup and the CIA Link." His new book, "One Eleven, Minus Two, Prime Minister Hasina's War on Yunus and America" is expected to be published shortly by Rupa Publications India Private Limited, New Delhi. He holds a master's degree in journalism from Northeastern University in Boston.

Leave a Reply